Specious arguments

featured-image

Tuesday 29th April, 2025 The government and the Opposition are engaged in a no-holds-barred battle to win the upcoming local government (LG) elections. Their election campaigns have turned down and dirty, and the polity is red in tooth and claw, with vilification campaigns being carried out against not only politicians but also their kith and [...]

Tuesday 29th April, 2025The government and the Opposition are engaged in a no-holds-barred battle to win the upcoming local government (LG) elections. Their election campaigns have turned down and dirty, and the polity is red in tooth and claw, with vilification campaigns being carried out against not only politicians but also their kith and kin.If the ruling NPP fails to retain its votes at the current level next month, the Opposition will claim to have made a breakthrough in its battle against the government.

This is something the NPP needs like a hole in the head. If the Opposition parties, especially the SJB, the SLPP and the UNP-led NDF, fail to recover lost ground and improve their electoral performance significantly, they will have to face a long haul in the political wilderness. So, it is only natural that both the NPP and the Opposition are doing everything in their power to shape and sway public opinion in their favour.



Some NPP MPs have put forth an absurd argument; they say that since their party has won both presidential and parliamentary elections, the local councils, too, should be placed under its control if the people are to benefit. If the public is convinced that the NPP is better than its predecessors and can be trusted with the administration of the local councils as well, they may vote for the NPP, but they must not do so simply because the NPP has won the executive presidency and is controlling Parliament.A democracy worthy of the name should be able to function properly in situations where the three tiers of government are controlled by different political parties.

The Colombo Municipal Council remained under UNP control for decades during SLFP/SLPP governments. The JVP bagged the Tissamaharama Pradeshiya Sabha in 2002 while Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga, who led the People’s Alliance (PA), was the President, and the UNP led by Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe was controlling Parliament. It won six seats as opposed to the PA’s two and the UNP’s four.

The JVP, which leads the NPP, is now using the exact opposite of the argument it touted in 2002 to persuade the people of Tissamaharama to vote for it!There is an incomprehensible practice of handing over the reins of Parliament to the party that wins a presidential election, and this makes one wonder whether there is any point in holding separate parliamentary elections. A popular mandate given to the Executive President does not cancel that of the party controlling Parliament.The SLPP, the SLFP and the UNP have set a very bad precedent.

Last year, the SLPP government stepped down, allowing the NPP to secure control of Parliament after Anura Kumara Dissanayake’s victory in the presidential race. In 2015, the SLFP-led UPFA gave up control of Parliament, upon the election of Maithripala Sirisena as President, enabling the UNP-led UNF to form a government. The UNF government did likewise in 2019, when Gotabaya Rajapaksa was elected President.

The SLPP controlled Parliament, without a mandate, from Nov. 2019 to August 2020. In 2015, within a few weeks of forming a government without a popular mandate, the UNF facilitated the first Treasury bond scam.

The Executive Presidents do not resign when their parties lose general elections. Haven’t those who vehemently oppose the Executive’s interference in the legislature themselves subjugated the ‘independence of Parliament’ to the will of the President?There is also another flawed argument that the people should strengthen the hands of President Dissanayake to govern the country better by bringing the LG authorities under NPP control and thereby enabling him to have his policies and programmes implemented effectively at the grassroots level. President Dissanayake has been controlling not only the LG bodies but also the Provincial Councils through the Governors appointed by him, the way Presidents Gotabaya Rajapaksa and Ranil Wickremesinghe did.

The Special Commissioners who are currently in charge of the local councils report to the Governors and therefore they are at the beck and call of the President.It is hoped that the public will not be swayed by preposterously specious arguments that are being touted by the government and the Opposition..